Work on Democracy must continue

The United States took a de­cisive step toward democracy with the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. At the time, Black political representation was not just limited — it was nearly nonexistent. African Americans made up more than 10 percent of the population but held less than 2 percent of seats in Congress and none in the Senate.

By dismantling formal barri­ers to voting, the Voting Rights Act opened the door for Black political participation — and over time, representation. That progress was neither immediate nor inevitable, but it was real.

It was in this context that the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, the organiza­tion I lead, was founded in 1970. Our mission is to support the growth of Black political leader­ship and ensure that increased representation translates into meaningful policy outcomes.

More than five decades later, that mission remains urgent.

Black representation in the House has grown from fewer than 10 members in 1965 to more than 60 today, reaching roughly 14 percent of members — finally approaching parity with the Black share of the U.S. population. But it took nearly 60 years to reach this point.

That underscores a critical truth: representation requires sustained protection and inten­tional policy.

Even now, the progress is in­complete. Even with a record high five Black senators — just 5 percent of the total — Black representation in the Senate re­mains far below the Black popu­lation share.

Today, even these gains are under threat. Recent Supreme Court decisions have weakened the Voting Rights Act, reducing federal oversight and making it more difficult to challenge dis­criminatory voting practices.

The Court’s most recent rul­ing gutted regulation designed to ensure Black representation, permitting what amounts to ra­cial gerrymandering under the guise of partisan gerrymander­ing — a practice which itself badly undermines democracy for Americans of all races.

The result is a system in­creasingly driven by political advantage rather than fair rep­resentation. And Black repre­sentation is likely to suffer be­cause of it.

Gerrymandering is often discussed as a partisan tactic, but it has broader structural consequences. When districts are drawn to maximize politi­cal control, they can dilute the voting power of communities of color — even without explic­itly referencing race. For Black communities, whose political gains have often depended on fair districting, the erosion of these protections is particularly consequential.

This is not simply about who wins elections. It is about how policy is shaped and whose in­terests are represented in de­cisions that affect economic opportunity, education, health­care, and wealth. Representa­tion alone does not guarantee equity — but without it, ineq­uity is almost certain.

The current moment de­mands clarity. The expansion of Black political representation over the past half-century was the result of deliberate policy choices, sustained advocacy, and legal enforcement. As those protections are weakened, the risk is not just stagnation — it is regression.

At the Joint Center, our goal is clear: to ensure that the gains of the past are protected and that the path toward equitable representation remains open.

Nearly 60 years after the Vot­ing Rights Act, Black Ameri­cans have come closer than ever to achieving representa­tion in Congress that reflects their share of the population. But progress at this level is not self-sustaining. Without strong protections and continued com­mitment, it can be reversed.

The work of building a repre­sentative democracy is ongoing. And at this moment, it is clear that the work must continue.

Dedrick Asante-Muhammad is an associate fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies and president of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, America’s Black think tank. This op-ed was distributed by OtherWords.org.