Keep voting accessible to everyone

By Sarah Anderson

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President Trump recently put out an executive order attempt­ing to restrict mail-in voting. Trump loathes mail ballots — except, of course, when he votes by mail himself, as he did this year in Florida.

Broad, cross-partisan swaths of our electorate benefit from this convenient way to exercise our most basic democratic right. Working Americans in particu­lar have a stake in defending mail-in voting.

Economic hurdles to election participation drop when people can fill out their ballots at their kitchen table and pop them in a mailbox. For one thing, you don’t have to worry about ask­ing your boss for time off to go to the polls. Currently, only 21 states require employers to give their workers paid leave for voting, and enforcement of this benefit is weak.

Another seven states offer unpaid time off to cast bal­lots. But for workers who are barely scraping by, the choice between voting versus making a full day’s pay can be a tough call. Low-income voters are also more likely to have trouble af­fording costs associated with getting to the polls, such as se­curing childcare and transpor­tation.

The lack of universal mail-in voting is one factor driving the huge voter participation gap be­tween rich and poor Americans. According to Census data, 76.0 percent of voters with household income above $150,000 voted in the 2024 presidential election, compared to just 34.7 percent of those making between $15,000 and $20,000.

In parts of the country that do allow vote by mail, research indicates that lower-income Americans participate at in­creased rates. Colorado’s switch to an all-mail election system in 2014, for instance, boosted participation among voters in the bottom income group by 10 percentage points, compared to just a 5-point bump for the state’s richest residents.

A Utah study produced simi­lar findings. In counties with all-mail voting, 79.1 percent of eligible voters in households earning less than $30,000 per year participated in the 2016 general election. In counties that had not yet adopted this voting option, only 74.6 percent in this income group voted.

Utah and Colorado are now among the eight states (plus the District of Columbia) that allow all elections to be conducted en­tirely by mail. The others are California, Hawai’i, Nevada, Oregon, Vermont, and Wash­ington.

Trump’s order would require the Department of Homeland Security to compile eligible vot­er lists for each state, based on citizenship and naturalization records, Social Security records, and other databases.

It also orders the U.S. Post­al Service to regulate who can and who cannot receive ballots, based on these lists. The Ameri­can Postal Workers Union im­mediately blasted the order for contradicting the “fundamen­tal purpose of the U.S. Postal Service and its workforce — to provide universal service to all.” The Postal Service “cannot be used as a tool to disenfranchise voters,” the union stated.

Twenty-three state govern­ments and a coalition of voting rights groups have filed law­suits to block the order, arguing that it violates states’ constitu­tional authority over elections. The ACLU points out that the order “risks mass disenfran­chisement of eligible voters” be­cause the federal databases it would rely on are outdated and unreliable.

Our election system is al­ready tilted against working Americans. The rich can spend unlimited sums to buy political influence while the poor face multiple barriers to exercising even their most basic democrat­ic right. As a result, candidate platforms too often reflect the interests of those at the top, further discouraging working people from participating.

Instead of restricting mail-in voting, we should expand access to this method of participation in every state, as part of broad­er electoral reforms. Making the right to vote by mail universal wouldn’t fix every problem in our lopsided political system, but it would be one important step towards a stronger democ­racy for all.

Sarah Anderson directs the Global Economy Project at the Institute for Policy Studies. This op-ed was adapted from a longer version at Inequality.org and distributed for syndication by OtherWords.org

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